How Might Trump Challenge the March 4 Trial Date in the Federal Election Case?
Former President Donald J. Trump's response to the scheduling of his criminal trial on March 4, centered on his attempts to overturn the 2020 election, has raised questions about his possible strategies to alter the timing of the case. While Trump voiced his intent to appeal the trial start date, legal experts weigh in on the potential avenues he could pursue.
Trump's exclamation "I will APPEAL!" upon hearing Judge Tanya S. Chutkan's decision to begin the trial on March 4 showcases his dissatisfaction with the timing. However, his lawyer, John Lauro, stated that despite their objection, the defense team would adhere to the judge's order.
The March 4 date carries its awkwardness due to its placement in the midst of Trump's busy schedule, which includes an array of criminal cases and civil lawsuits as he contemplates a potential 2024 Republican presidential nomination. Notably, the trial's initiation falls right before Super Tuesday, a significant event in the election cycle.
Typically, trial calendars are not subject to immediate appeal, but complexities exist. If Judge Chutkan declines to reconsider the timing, federal district court decisions on trial calendars are usually not open to immediate appeal. However, an appeal could be made after the trial if the issue could potentially be remedied by overturning a guilty verdict.
Despite this, Trump's attorney seems to be setting the stage for a post-trial appeal by arguing that the March 4 start date violated Trump's constitutional right to meaningful legal representation. Lauro emphasized that the defense team couldn't adequately prepare for the trial within this timeframe, infringing on Trump's right to effective assistance of counsel.
One potential route for Trump to challenge the calendar before the trial is through a "writ of mandamus." This judicial order to a lower-court judge would mandate a specific action and functions as a sort of early appeal, permitting intervention in exceptional cases where irreparable harm could occur.
However, securing a writ of mandamus is not simple. Higher courts are usually reluctant to disrupt the regular judicial process and set a high bar for such interventions. The legal standard requires the right to relief to be "clear and indisputable," with no alternative means available. Moreover, a higher court retains discretion on whether intervening would be appropriate under the circumstances.
The foundation for a mandamus petition may not be straightforward. While objections about inadequate preparation time, like those raised by Lauro, might not suffice for early intervention, an objection based on the trial date's interference with the election could carry more weight. Irreparable harm is clearer in this case, as the trial's timing could impact primaries. However, little precedent exists for evaluating whether a trial's effect on an election justifies early intervention.
Furthermore, uncertainty prevails over whether delaying the trial to accommodate the election process or proceeding promptly to inform voters about a candidate's criminality serves the public interest better. As with many unprecedented questions posed by Trump's legal cases, definitive legal answers may not readily exist.